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Life in the Asynchronous Familyby Kathi Kearney
While most families watch their children proceed through childhood with Gesell-like efficiency, families of intellectually gifted children often have a very different experience. These children experience great discrepancies between their cognitive, social, emotional, and physical development. Hollingworth (1942) noted that "To have the intelligence of an adult and the emotions of a child combined in a childish body is to encounter certain difficulties" (p. 282). The Columbus Group (1991) proposed an emerging phemomenological definition of giftedness with the concept of asynchronous development at its core:
Tolan (1992) asserts that such asynchronous development "puts the gifted person outside normal developmental patterns from birth" (p.8). Asynchronous development in the child can also introduce asynchrony into the entire family system and into the family's sociocultural mediation with the larger community. A Vygotskian Perspective Any mother of a 6-year-old gifted child who has found herself explaining the rudiments of algebra in detail one minute, and despairing that the same child will ever learn to tie his shoes the next, will appreciate Vygotsky's concept of the "zone of proximal development." Lev Vygotsky, a Soviet psychologist whose work spanned the time period from the 1917 Russian Revolution until his untimely death from tuberculosis in 1934, viewed learning as a social process of acculturation. he described the "zone of proximal development" as
Thus, the mother (or other adult) acts as a mediator for the child, "[arranging] the environment such that the child can reach higher or more abstract ground from which to reflect" (Bruner, 1985, p. 24). Parents as Multi-level Mediators Asynchrony Within the Gifted Child We do not yet understand the full meaning of such an early initiation into language for intellectually gifted children.
Blanck's contention, based on the research of Vygotsky and Luria, suggests that it is not just that the child who acquires language earlier simply "gets there sooner," but that the child's thought processes are fundamentally changed with the initiation of this new tool. A fundamental problem for families with gifted children is the question of what happens when two or more discrepant developmental levels collide. One mother described a scene in the grocery store with her highly gifted 2-year-old son. At a time when most 2 year olds are content to name items in the supermarket, Andrew had already initiated extensive discussions with his mother at home about the nutritional value of various products. As they were proceeding down the cereal aisle, Andrew, seated in the grocery cart, spied three middle-aged women selecting sugared cereals with artificial colors. Before Andrew's mother knew what had happened, three startled women turned around to see the 2 year old standing up in the grocery cart, shaking his finger, and lecturing, "Put those back! Put those back! Don't you realize that cereal is bad for you? It is mostly sugar, and contains artificial flavors and colors!" Andrew's intellectual and language development were far beyond that of most 2 year olds. His social cognition, however, had not caught up with his intellectual prowess; he did not yet know that it was not polite to lecture strangers in the supermarket. Yet this same child's intellectual advancement, ironically, also left him outside normal social interaction with same-age peers. His desire for precision in language was incomprehensible to other 2 year olds during social discourse; they simply did not understand the language he was able to use so fluently and well. A frustrated Andrew listened to his playmate repeat, "Truck! Truck!" each time Andrew brought out his favorite toy. Finally Andrew, his patience at an end, snatched the truck away with the words, "It is not a truck! It is a front-end loader!" Andrew's parents face a dilemma unique to parents of gifted children. They must recognize, first, that Andrew's pattern of development is both unusual but is normal for him. Second, they must respond to all those ages at once. Andrew's family must be constantly aware not only of the rapidly changing "zone of proximal development" in Andrew's cognitive, social, emotional, and physical structures, but they must also decide how to mediate when discrepancies occur, and what to do when several developmental levels collide. Taking the truck away from another toddler is socially expected behavior for a 2 year old; Andrew's underlying reason for doing so was not. When Andrew and his friend play, how much should Andrew, at age 2, be expected to adapt to his friend's zone of proximal development in language? Is it even possible for him to do so? Who is a "more capable peer" for Andrew? With older children, should an emotionally sensitive 8 year old who reads at a college level be allowed to read Uncle Tom's Cabin or is it too riveting? Should a 14-year-old college freshman be allowed to date 19-year-old classmates? The answers are as individual as the children and their circumstances. In some cases there may not be any good answers, when "zones of proximal development" within the same child are at widely disparate levels. Asynchrony in the Family System Effects on siblings The 12 Gilbreth children, described in the popular book, Cheaper By the Dozen (Gilbreth & Carey, 1948/1963), understood this all too well. In the chapter entitled "Skipping Through School," they described one predicament:
As the Gilbreth children note, older siblings may feel that their 'place' in the family or the school is at risk as a result of the rapid advancement of a younger sibling. Younger, equally gifted siblings in a family of gifted children and adults sometimes feel that they can't keep up, not realizing that it is often their chronological age, rather than their intellectual ability, which keeps them from participating in the activities of older siblings and adults in the family. Six-year-old Anna had a 9-year-old highly gifted sister who attended a local college. At the same time, her father was working on a master's degree and her mother was taking courses part-time toward her bachelor's degree. One day, Anna's mother discovered Anna sobbing in her room. When asked what was wrong, Anna blurted out, "I'm the dumb one in this family. I'm the only one in this family who's not in college!" Anna was far from 'dumb'; with an extremely high IQ and formidable musical talent evident even at the age of 6, she was certainly gifted. But her perspective as the younger sibling in a family where all the other members were college students, including the 9-year-old, led her to think otherwise. Her mother wisely talked with Anna about the talents and abilities already evident in Anna's life and about the limitations of chronological age and physical development. Play patterns among gifted siblings is another arena where asynchronous family development is sometimes evident. Hollingworth (1942) noted the tendency of highly gifted children to "organize the play into a complicated pattern' with some remote and definite goal" (p. 274). If these children are placed in heterogeneous, rigidly age-graded classrooms in school with no opportunity to associate with gifted peers for academic and social activities, it may appear to their teachers that they do not "socialize well" with other children. In addition, if they complicate the play to the point where other children literally cannot play with them, they will not be surrounded by playmates at recess. But within the family, they may spend hours and hours with gifted siblings of varying ages participating in imaginative, extremely complex play. During the 19th century, this would not have been unusual, since children spent much less time in school and much more time at home. Twentieth century society, however, features a much different pattern of expectations for family life. Thus, such closeness and creativity among gifted siblings sometimes is perceived negatively by schools and mental health professionals, placing the family on an asynchronous track according to the norms of contemporary culture. Effects on Parenting ∆ The "early empty nest" ∆ Extended financial dependence Graduate school for a very bright student is encouraged and expected in today's society, and for many careers it is an absolute necessity. The cost is often astronomical, even with the aid of grants and scholarships. As a result, the gifted young person often remains partially financially dependent on the family, at a time when most of his or her chronological age peers are working at steady full-time jobs. The extended (and often necessary) financial dependence of a gifted child affects the other siblings and the life cycle of the family. While other parents are actively saving for retirement, families of gifted children often find themselves continuing to help pay for college. Such a situation results in family asynchrony on many levels, as the realities of life in the gifted family differ substantially from those in the larger society. ∆ Postponement or denial of grandparenting Asynchrony in the Larger Society
Since the years prior to age 20 are precisely those years when the gifted child is most likely to be home, families of gifted children are likely to find themselves on the frontlines as they face the realities of their child's and family's asynchrony within the larger society. As one mother expressed succinctly, the most difficult thing about raising her highly gifted son was "explaining the world to him and explaining him to the world." Schooling Furthermore, giftedness in parents (especially giftedness that was not acknowledged in childhood) can also affect the advocacy process. Tolan (1992) describes the
At a time when these parents most need to help their gifted children access appropriate educational opportunities, deal with asynchronous development, and understand the social and emotional concomitants of giftedness, they must also face their own giftedness, often for the first time. Bureaucracies The Community The religious community to which the family belongs usually has no formal arrangements for the instruction of intellectually gifted children as they develop spiritually. Yet, Hollingworth (1942) noted:
The gifted child with deep, fundamental religious questions needs the support of the religious community and the family as he or she struggles with issues that form part of the foundation of the personality. In many cases, the child will be struggling with concepts that are difficult even for adults. Some church and synagogue communities have responded to advanced spiritual development in the gifted child by providing multi-age religious instruction classes, allowing these children to attend adult classes, allowing the child to join the religious faith at a younger age than is customary, or providing an opportunity for the child to explore individual religious questions and concerns in discussion with the minister, priest, rabbi, or imam. Advanced spiritual development is fraught with asynchrony; there will be issues which the gifted child will comprehend intellectually and spiritually, but will be less prepared to handle emotionally. Images in Popular Culture The Asynchronous Family: A Celebration Mediation will be different in these families, for the 'zones of proximal development' are continually changing, shifting, expanding, and colliding with each other. The key to coping may well be acceptance - acceptance that the asynchronous development which is a hallmark of intellectual giftedness is normal for that child's individual developmental trajectory. With that kind of acceptance comes not only a deeper understanding of the resulting asynchrony in the family life cycle, but a celebration, as we recognize the uniqueness of the individual and the diversity and power of family life to transform and to mediate as well as to comfort and protect. References Blanck, G. (1990) Vygotsky: The man and his cause. In L.C. Moll (Ed.), Vygotsky and education: Instructional implications and applications of sociohistorical psychology (pp.31-58). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bruner, J (1985). Vygotsky: A historical and conceptual perspective. In J.V. Wertsch (Ed.), Culture, communication, and cognition (p.21-34). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Columbus Group. (1991, July). Unpublished transcript of the meeting of the Columbus Group, Columbus, Ohio. Estes, P. (1992). Life with Max. Highly Gifted Children, 8(2), 3. &Mac240; Fewell, R.R., & Vadasy, P.F. (Eds.). (1986) Families of handicapped children; Needs and supports across the lifespan. Austin, TX; Pro-Ed. Gilbreth, F.B., Jr., & Carey, E. G. (1948/1963). Cheaper by the dozen. New York; Thomas Y. Crowell. Hollingworth, L.S. (1942). Children above 180 IQ (Stanford-Binet): Origin and development. Yonkers-on-Hudson, NY: World Book Company. Full text of Children Above 180 IQ is now available from Project Gutenberg in HTML, EPUB and Kindle formats. Tolan, S.S. (1992). Only a parent: Three true stories. Understanding Our Gifted, 4(3), 1, 8-10. Kathi Kearney, M.A.Ed., is Founder of the Hollingworth Center for Highly Gifted Children in South Casco, Maine, a doctoral candidate at Teachers College, Columbia University, and editor of Highly Gifted Children. Originally published in Understanding Our Gifted, Vol. 4., No. 6, pg 1, 8-12.
©1992 Kathi Kearney
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